http://law.unl.edu/sites/unl.edu.college-of-law.law/files/alumni/transcript/docs/2011Fall/6_moberly_fall_2011.pdf
-these are some parts of an amazing article that fairly covers the balance of secrecy and oversight.
In several ways, Obama has lived
up to these promises. The three
most prominent pieces of Obama’s
legislative agenda- the economic
stimulus package, the financial reform
bill and health care reform- all
included provisions that enhanced
whistleblower protections. Moreover,
Obama’s appointments to key
administrative positions in charge of
whistleblower protection consistently
have supported employee rights
and have worked steadily to unravel
the long-standing anti-whistleblower
bias in those agencies.
Obama’s administration has a track record of retaliating against
the employee and, in several cases, criminally prosecuting the
employee. In Obama’s view, there appears to be a difference
between “bad” whistleblowing, which he calls “leaking” when it
relates to national security, and “good” whistleblowing, which
relates to non-security issues.
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The courts have weighed in on this
debate as well. The Supreme Court has
recognized that the president has the unrestricted
power to maintain secrecy by
declaring essential information confidential
or top secret and by issuing security
clearances in order to access that information.
Lower federal courts have eviscerated
the whistleblower protections Congress
put in place by narrowly interpreting
antiretaliation laws to allow administrative
agencies to revoke a whistleblower’s
security clearance (essentially a de facto
discharge because the whistleblower can
no longer satisfy the job’s requirements)
and to remove protection from whistleblowers
whose job duties include legal
compliance. Moreover, courts have recognized
a “state secrets” evidentiary doctrine
that compels courts to dismiss civil cases
that would require the government to
disclose state secrets.
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reporter about military action he
believed to be illegal, but the information
could reveal classified information about
the country’s military capabilities. In that
case, disclosing national security information
could endanger people’s lives and
expose weaknesses that could be exploited
by our enemies, causing greater harm
than the typical whistleblower disclosure
related to financial matters or mismanagement.
Similarly, the documents revealed
to WikiLeaks provide some embarrassing
and often scandalous information, but they
revealed arguably little in the way of illegal
government conduct. Instead, they likely
damaged diplomatic relationships and undermined
government initiatives internationally.
Finally, even if the employee was
right about conduct being illegal, he or she
might not understand the larger context
for certain government conduct. We might
question whether an employee should
be the person balancing the costs of the
illegality against the costs to our national
security of revealing the information.
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The whistleblowers
who exposed the Bush administration’s
domestic wire-tapping, secret CIA renditions
and waterboarding torture methods
revealed important information about
arguably illegal activities and also allowed
public debate about the way in which the
country fought the war on terror. Additionally,
it is clear that just because a
government official labels information
as “classified” does not mean it should be
classified. It is broadly recognized that the
government engages in a systematic and
unwarranted overclassification of documents
as “secret.” For example, last year
the federal government classified almost
77 million documents, a 40 percent
increase over the previous year.
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Further, although WikiLeaks has
published numerous classified documents
revealing little in the way of illegality, the
website also published a disturbing video
about an apparently illegal attack on
Afghanistan civilians by a U.S. Army helicopter.
Illegal conduct, even in the name of
national security, simply should not be able
to hide behind a veil of secrecy. Indeed,
given the current lack of protection for national
security whistleblowers to use official
channels, the system ironically encourages
employees to disclose wrongdoing to the
press or to sources like WikiLeaks in the
hope of remaining anonymous.
Can we truly balance secrecy
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Can we truly balance secrecy and
oversight? These are complex issues, and
cases like Thomas Drake should make
Congress and President Obama reconsider
whether the current balance skews too
far toward hiding important information
about misconduct from Congress and the
public. Statutory whistleblower provisions
either exclude national security employees
explicitly or only half-heartedly encourage
them to blow the whistle on misconduct.
In erecting ineffective measures, perhaps
we have failed to address either branch’s
concerns because the law neither fully encourages
whistleblowers to go to Congress
nor adequately maintains the secrecy that
is needed for some state secrets.